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Wolfgang Pfeffer, Dr. Franz-Joseph Sauer, Dr. Dirk Eiser Lindenberg Blumenstr. Michael Naschold, Dr. Thomas Nonn, Dr. A value of 1 represents total inequality.
Scores may range between 0 and 1. The Gini coefficient has been criticised by some scholars who argue that it is not useful when comparing countries of very different population size.
Furthermore, it says nothing of the absolute wealth of a country; a wealthy country and poor country may have the same Gini coefficient but in the poor nation many people may not even have access to basic necessities.
Correlation should not be confused with causation. A strong correlation suggests two variables are related, but does not imply that a change in one will automatically induce a change in the other.
The R 2 value is a measure of the linear correlation of the variables. A value of 0 indicates no relationship while 1 indicates a perfect linear relationship.
While over one-third perceived this to be the case in Kampala In Johannesburg, Rio de Janeiro and Kingston, this was around half, with a low of 27 per cent in Kampala.
World Bank b 2. Storper and Scott 3. UN-Habitat 5. Mabala 9. Chant a Hughes and Wickeri ; Poulsen UN-Habitat a Ghosh , p.
World Bank b, p. UN a, pp. Ghosh Rodgers et al Campesi ; Dobbs et al , p. Loyka Chant , a ; also Buvinic and King Antrobus ; Chant b ; Johnsson-Latham ; Saith Chant Chant a, b ; Deere and Doss ; Morrison et al Chandrasekhar and Mukhopadhyay In relation to the gender empowerment and urban prosperity nexus, the chapter highlights gender disparities in physical and financial capital and assets as well as the gaps in power and rights.
This was very marked among those living in Rio de Janeiro with 70 per cent stating their city was not committed compared with only 22 per cent in Kingston and 23 per cent in Johannesburg See Figure 2.
This is actually one of the few MDG targets that has been reached a decade ahead of schedule, with million people having moved out of slum conditions between and alone.
Moreover, although the proportion of urban residents living in slums has dropped in most developing regions, with China and India at the forefront, in absolute terms, the number of slum dwellers has continued to rise.
Not only do women rear children in their houses, but it is also their main site of social network creation and income generation.
Even when people start out in precarious shelter, housing can be a meaningful pathway out of poverty and in turn, a route to prosperity.
The root causes of differential access to secure tenure are complex. One factor is uneven discrimination against women in inheritance, ranging from situations, as in Swaziland, where women have no right to inherit property, to those in which they are only legally entitled to lesser shares than men.
Male bias in inheritance and property acts therefore as major obstacle to gender equality and empowerment.
Male ownership effectively equates with male control over women and there is widespread discrimination against women is nearly all aspects of housing.
In some cases, as noted for India, mothers may favour the inheritance of sons over daughters given the expectation that the former will provide for them in their old age.
Even where women may be able to access housing, the prospect of property taxes may discourage them from claiming title. However, this measure only went part-way since married women still stood to lose their natal property rights.
With specific regard to property, married women were granted the right to keep inherited property, as well as being entitled to use property without the consent of male family members.
As a result, households reporting some degree of ownership among women more than doubled, from 11 per cent to 35 per cent, between and Source: UN Women , pp.
For instance, in Peru regularisation of title for urban squatters released time for women, as well as men, to engage in activities other than protection of their properties.
As few as 13 per cent of respondents in Bangalore stated that policies existed compared to 33 per cent in Johannesburg.
Indeed, there is also evidence that the shift towards greater commercialisation of banking for the poor has led to a decline in access among women.
However, even among women entrepreneurs, access to finance remains more limited than for men. For example, in South Africa, women comprised only 5 per cent of clients in the Black Economic Empowerment Equity Fund of a major bank after two years of operation.
The prevalence of malnutrition in India and Bangladesh is more than double in slums than in non-slum areas, at 54 per cent versus 21 per cent, and In the Democratic Republic of Congo, too, 41 per cent of children are malnourished in slums compared with 16 per cent of their non-slum counterparts.
Furthermore, slum dwellers also suffer a disproportionate vulnerability to health conditions linked with inadequate healthcare and diet, such as anaemia.
In terms of mental health, at a global level, depression has been found to disproportionately affect women and the poor.
This compared with 19 per cent of people in Rio de Janeiro who felt that there was no gender equity in access.
Related to this, only Although this rose to 63 per cent in Johannesburg and to 60 per cent in Kingston, only 20 per cent of residents in Rio de Janeiro determined that such services were available.
Source: Khosla The multiple impacts of multidimensional slum upgrading on women in Agra, India Box 2.
However, in many poor countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, preventable child mortality remains excessively high.
Despite a 34 per cent drop in maternal deaths in developing regions the current mean annual rate of decline 2. These frequently stem from male control over female sexuality.
Although antenatal care is free in Kenya, the charging of fees for births or complications in hospitals, as well as the stigmatisation of mothers without possession of antenatal cards act as deterrents to poor women.
The latter is compounded by the fact that intimate partner violence often increases when women are pregnant, particularly where husbands are jobless or under severe economic pressure See also below.
HIV infection rates seem to have peaked in , and declined significantly since , thanks largely to a massive scale-up in Anti- Retroviral Therapy ART.
However, in absolute terms the number of people living with HIV is rising, partly because they are living longer with the condition, but also because treatment is still short of universal and public information campaigns are not always effective.
Although substantial progress has been made in tackling malaria, it remains responsible for over , deaths a year, of which 90 per cent occur in Africa.
Young women in urban areas are at particular risk, with those aged years being up to eight times more likely to contract the disease than their male counterparts.
In addition, people may already have weak immune systems resulting from poor nutrition and other communicable diseases, thus increasing their susceptibility to infection and accelerated progression from HIV to AIDS.
Within the broader context of rates of violent crime increasing globally from 6 to 8. Somewhat inevitably, urban violence does not only affect women and girls, with young men also being at high risk, especially in slums where becoming part of a youth gang can be the only viable means of livelihood.
These include toilets, at schools, in drinking bars, and in secluded areas. Therefore, the lack of infrastructure in cities contributes to gender-based violence and makes women more vulnerable to break-ins, theft and rape See Box 2.
In addition, the frequent anonymity and social isolation of female urban dwellers, may make them more vulnerable to attack from strangers, but also to receive limited help when affected by intimate artner abuse.
The most well-known example of this is the femicides in Mexico and Central America. Although these brutal killings are experienced by many poor women in cities, they are especially concentrated among maquila factory workers who work in export manufacturing factories owned by transnational corporations involved in the assembly factories of garments and electronics.
The reasons for these femicides are rooted in a wide range of complex issues but are ultimately an expression of extreme gender discrimination.
Raising her voice above the sounds drifting over from the adjacent shacks, Nadia expressed in front of her fellow residents, both male and female, her deep concern over the lack of municipal repair of the streetlights lining the dirt road that leads to the main highway.
The non-functioning of the streetlights has posed particular problems for women, rendering them vulnerable to harassment, theft, physical abuse, and sexual violence.
The installation and maintenance of streetlights in slums and other low-income housing areas throughout the Global South represent one opportunity to improve the safety and well-being of the poor, particularly women, in a way that the residents themselves have personally shown to be both productive and in demand.
The importance of addressing violence in urban contexts is widely recognised at city-wide, national and international levels.
To date a number of countries have established women only police stations in a bid to combat violence against women, especially to encourage women to report crimes perpetuated against them.
The legislation creating this police station decreed that everyone working there had to be a woman with the aim of reducing violence against women and charging them with investigating and prosecuting violence against women.
Effective urban planning, design and governance from a gender perspective can also enhance urban safety and security in cities.
This approach has also been referred to as Crime Prevention through Environmental Design CPTED which entails using a primarily spatial and design perspective to reducing violence.
The Bantay Banay Campaign in the Philippines is another example which has contributed to a significant reduction in cases of domestic vilence.
See Box 2. Cebu is not only renowned as a hub of export industry in the country and for its major contributions to national prosperity, but also for its record on promoting gender equality and empowering women.
The programme aims to make everyone responsive to, and responsible for, addressing violence against women, by sensitising key stakeholders such as women and men in communities, barangay neighbourhood officials, local doctors, health workers, and police officers to the need to identify and eliminate gender-based violence.
This entails becoming familiar with the signs and symptoms of domestic violence, and raising levels of reporting. Source: Chant a, p.
Indeed, more generally a gendered planning approach is required from both a top-down and bottom-up perspective.
In terms of the former, gender-sensitive professional codes of conduct and institutional mechanisms that include women in all aspects of the planning process are required and backed- up by legislation where necessary.
UN-Habitat a 2. Chant b, a 3. Miraftab ; Quisumbing 4. Moser , 5. Hughes and Wickeri , p. Nakray ; Rakodi ; Sweetman Chant a, pp.
Chant b ; Varley Miraftab Goebel et al , p. Also Moser and Felton on Ecuador Gilbert ; Kumar ; Miraftab Hughes and Wickeri Vera-Sanso Benavides Llerena et al Morrison et al World Bank a Habitat for Humanity Chant b, a ; Valenzuela , p.
Moser Mitra and Rodriguez-Fernandez Gupta et al , p. Khan et al , pp. Harpham ; Satterthwaite Sverdlik , p. Chant b Harpham , p.
AMC ; Bhatt ; Dutta UN a, p. Hesketh and xing , p. Save the Children b, p Essendi et al ; Ochako et al UNAiDS , p.
UNAiDS Chant and Evans UN-Habitat c ; Jones and Rodgers, eds ; Moser and Mcilwaine , Moser and Mcilwaine Mcilwaine ; Tacoli, Joshi et al , p.
Morrison, Elsberg and Bott Prieto-Carron et al ; also Jarvis et al Hindin and Adair , p. Moser and Mcilwaine , p.
UN-Habitat c Santos ; Mcilwaine Mcilwaine ; Moser and Mcilwaine Agarwal This relates directly to the arena of gender disparities in physical and financial assets and capital as part of the gender and urban prosperity nexus of which infrastructure plays an important role.
While infrastructure relates to various physical aspects of urban environments linked with territorial space, fixtures and connections, as in urban mass transport, pavements or sidewalks, street lighting, and parks, it also deals with community centres or meeting places, nurseries, elderly care homes, and sports and recreational facilities.
In turn, these link closely with aspects of productivity as well as spatial mobility and connectivity.
While some aspects of urban infrastructure were discussed in Chapter 2. This general perception that infrastructure resources were not really adequate in providing equal support for the productive activities of women and men, especially in terms of the specific needs of women, was further reflected in the survey.
For example, only It emerged that the most problematic area was access to sanitation, especially in Bangalore and Rio de Janeiro.
Access to infrastructure for recreation was also very limited for women, again particularly for those in Bangalore and Rio de Janeiro.
Access to telecommunications was perceived to be the most developed, especially in Kingston Table 2. Improved mobility for women was also identified as important, especially in Kingston.
This was followed by congested roads identified as a barrier by 45 per cent in Kampala and 40 per cent in Bangalore. The least important barrier was interruption of telephone lines, cited by only 13 per cent of people, and only by 7 per cent in Bangalore, Johannesburg, and Rio de Janeiro and by no-one in Kingston Figure 2.
In most cities, it is clear that the most important effect of infrastructure underdevelopment on the lives of women is increased cost of living cited by 36 per cent.
This was perceived as particularly important in Bangalore and Kingston. The second most important issue was poor proximity to employment opportunities and markets, identified by 21 per cent of people, with those in Rio de Janeiro and Kingston especially concerned See Figure 2.
Barriers affecting infrastructure underdevelopment on lives of women per cent answering yes Fi gure 2. Yet although access to water is progressing in line with this target, it is important to note that this does not cover water for bathing, washing and cleaning.
While rural areas are particularly deprived, urban slums bear a substantial brunt of deficits. This means that in informal settlements in Morogoro and Dar es Salaam, pressure on sanitation facilities forces several households to share a single pit latrine, which poses extreme discomfort and risks to health, and also presents a major challenge of labour and affordability in relation to cleaning.
Access to sanitation was thought to be less equitable with only For example, the costs of water may be times higher from private than public suppliers.
Even if journeys are short in terms of distance, they may take long to perform where traversing inhospitable terrain, or queuing at the outlet is involved.
At communal sources, women may have to compete with one another and with male water vendors creating stress and conflict.
Where there is no municipal rubbish collection, or people cannot afford to pay for private waste contractors, women have to dispose of solid waste and in cases where there is no domestic sanitation, faecal matter and waste water.
Women role in community development, Myanmar. This can result in physical harm, psychological anxiety and fear of moving around the city.
This was most marked in the case of Bangalore where 60 per cent thought this, compared with a low of 33 per cent in Rio de Janeiro.
Overall, though these perceptions are encouraging in that there appears to be some move towards recognising the importance of safe public transport for women.
However, although these can provide an immediate solution to harassment and danger experienced by women, they will not transform gender relations.
It is also important to recognise that city streets do not need to be home to traffic, especially private motorised vehicles, which are usually owned by men and pose threats of injury and contamination.
Providing services to traditionally marginalised groups created stronger social cohesion by ending preferential public treatment for the more affluent.
Serving an average of 1. Women who can access numerous quality and flexible transportation options benefit from such investments because their trips are often for multiple purposes, even though an integrated ticketing system enabling multiple trips taken by women would improve matters further.
Project teams engaged a number of young professional women and men, increasing efficiency and avoiding the corruption- related pitfalls that plague many infrastructure initiatives run by seasoned bureaucrats.
Cities that enable women to fulfil their potential of playing important roles at all stages of local governance, from strategic planning to urban crisis response are clearly able to access a greater pool of talent.
Such public and community spaces for women may not only involve parks and playground, but buildings that are created to meet a common practical need or concern.
However, it is also common for new functions and activities to be added over time as new needs emerge in the community.
One example is that of the Mother Centres in Germany which began as a drop-in place for mothers to overcome social isolation. Yet they soon became places for childcare, food cooperatives and income generation activities.
One renowned example of these types of spaces is the communal kitchens in Lima, Peru. Over time, they joined with wider cooperative movements that challenged government policies.
By the late , 40, low-income women gathered in 2, sites across Lima to feed , poor people. In reality there are many overlaps in the types of spaces.
One example of this are community-based and community-run pharmacy outlets or Botika Binhis in poor urban neighbourhoods in Manila, the Philippines.
While this chapter has highlighted the importance of providing infrastructure for women in cities in order to generate prosperity, such provision also needs to be combined with policies that address gender equity to which the report now turns.
Kar and Chambers 5. Extract from a report cited in Amnesty international , p. Chant , b 7. Chant b, p.
Bapat and Agarwal , p. Sverdlik on indonesia Gammage ; Khosla ; Morrison et al Kantor ; World Bank c, p. Jarvis et al Kunieda and Gauthier ; UN-Habitat , p.
Jarvis et al ; Kunieda and Gauthier ; Tran and Schlyter Fernando and Porter Hughes and Wickeri ; Khosla , p.
Yonder and Tamaki for the Huairou Commission Among the factors identified as important in making the city more productive for women, especially in Kingston, Rio de Janeiro and Johannesburg, entrepreneurship emerged as most significant.
This was followed by skills development to enhance human resources, to better manage organisational structures, and to maximise investments in new technologies.
Strategic development in terms of conducting gender responsive city-wide economic analysis, exploring diverse development and approaches to diversify growth as well as financial development defined as better management of revenue sources and expenditure and expanding access to capital markets were viewed as the least important, especially in Kampala and Johannesburg See Table 2.
The survey highlighted that lack of education and appropriate knowledge and skills were the main set of obstacles for women identified in 24 per cent of cases followed by lack of access to productive resources.
The former set of issues was especially identified in the case of Bangalore 30 per cent and in Kingston for the latter 27 per cent Figure 2.
Those in Rio de Janeiro were the least positive with 19 per cent stating that efforts were very weak. Most importantly is that there are positive effects in educating women in that those with schooling are more likely to marry and have children later, have lower fertility levels, and also be healthier which can have important effects on their wider empowerment.
Although urban girls tend to be somewhat more advantaged than their rural counterparts, this is not always the case in urban slums, where early school drop-out is higher than in non-slums parts of the cities in many countries See Figure 2.
The same pattern was identified in relation to primary school with 69 per cent stating that it was equally accessible, especially in Kingston 86 per cent and Bangalore 85 per cent , but again with only 47 per cent of people in Rio de Janeiro thinking such.
Although secondary schooling was perceived as less equal in terms of accessibility overall 62 per cent , 81 per cent and 80 per cent of those in Bangalore and Kingston felt this, unlike in Rio de Janeiro Access to vocational training was viewed as more limited for women with only 58 per cent thinking it was equal overall, although this view was held by only 29 per cent in Rio de Janeiro.
Finally, only 52 per cent felt that access to university was equal for women and men, with only 25 per cent in Rio de Janeiro stating this Figure 2.
It was clear that restricted access to education for women was a major issue in the Brazilian case, while in the Indian study access was viewed as much more egalitarian.
Although poor slum-dwelling children may be hampered from private study by lack of space, light, peace and tranquillity, or basic infrastructure, girls almost invariably have to spend more time out of school carrying out domestic chores.
Interventions to redress these problems need to be holistic. There is evidence that many governments around the world have already been implementing innovative projects to address gender disparities in educational attainment Box 2.
Evidence from the survey illustrates that only just over one- third of cities 34 per cent were thought to take advantage of opportunities to re-skill the work orientation of women in order to keep pace with the rapidly changing work environment and to facilitate their transition into more productive sectors of the economy.
Those in Johannesburg were the most likely to re-skill women 47 per cent while people in Rio de Janeiro felt most negatively only 17 per cent.
However, there are marked gendered divisions of labour in urban economies with women disproportionately concentrated in unpaid reproductive work.
The construction of female- only toilet blocks has also been instrumental in encouraging more parents to let their daughters attend school.
In relation to formal work that is registered and enumerated, women currently represent approximately 40 per cent of the global labour force.
In many countries, this share is increasing rapidly as societies urbanise. For example, in Bangladesh, between and , the labour force participation of women aged years grew by nearly per cent.
Unpaid work: comprises a wide range of activities, including unpaid work in family businesses, subsistence activities such as the collection of fuel or water, and care of persons with family or non-family connections.
While the former two are now nominally included in the System of National Accounts SNA , the unpaid care of childcare, the elderly, sick and so on is not.
Carework: involves direct care of persons, including able- bodied adults, as well as children, elderly people, and those who are sick or disabled, on a paid or unpaid basis.
Paid carers include nannies, nurses, child-minders, careworkers for senior citizens, and so on, who may work in the public, private or not-for-profit sector.
Other people who provide care, although this may not be an explicit part of their work contract, include domestic workers.
Unpaid carework: refers to the work of caring for persons with no explicit monetary reward. Within the service sector, domestic service is especially important.
This ranges from employing between 4 and 10 per cent of the workforce of developing economies in which between 74 and 94 per cent of workers are women.
As of , the shares of the labour force in industry and services were 11 per cent and 30 per cent respectively, which is considerably lower than in other regions.
See Figure 2. Although women comprise the bulk of workers in call centre and teleworking occupations these jobs are usually restricted to the educated, English-speaking middle classes.
In addition, while they provide women with much higher earnings than in other jobs as well as greater spatial and temporal freedom in terms of being able to move around the city more freely during the day and night , they still face a wider range of restrictions.
In the case of Indian call centres, women continue to be controlled and rarely attain genuine career enhancement.
This broadly equates to informal employment with women being over-represented in this type of work.
On the other, women have been increasingly setting-up their own small-scale businesses in street-vending, stalls or shops, and domestic- based manufacturing units, as well as working in home-based commercial enterprises.
Many informal workers combine one or more activity in their daily struggles for livelihood, and women usually have to dovetail informal work with childcare and other reproductive tasks.
In addition, informal work is usually part of wider and more complex livelihood strategies that women in particular create. These invariably revolve around mobilising various types of assets and resources such as human and social capital as well as developing strategies to deal with a decline in consumption, such as buying cheaper or second hand clothes, and reducing spending on food and drink.
These include peripheral locations which preclude access to markets, as well as competition among women in similar situations who may only have scope to engage in a narrow range of basic activities.
The UN-Habitat survey highlighted that only just over one-third 35 per cent of city dwellers thought that their cities had programmes that addressed the needs of women working in the informal sector, especially in Kampala 49 per cent and Bangalore 42 per cent , but much less so in Rio de Janeiro 19 per cent.
In cases where programmes existed, almost half 48 per cent thought that these sought to legalise informal activities, while 44 per cent aimed to move informal sector workers into the formal economy.
In addition, 42 per cent felt that these programmes aimed to improve the quality of informal sector employment. A woman works in a call center.
Enhanced access to information, for example, facilitates prosperity by reducing uncertainty and transaction costs, enabling traders to secure better deals, lessening their reliance on intermediaries, and widening access to a broader range of buyers.
This is partly a function of greater illiteracy among women, and to the fact that girls may miss out on school-based IT training which is not normally taught until secondary and tertiary levels.
Beyond this, women are less likely to enjoy the mobility, social licence and funds necessary to access public internet facilities. Honiara, Solomon islands.
Women, especially adolescent girls, are more vulnerable to cyber-abuse such as misguided contact with traffickers and perpetrators of sexual assault.
Also important is that poor urban residents, especially women, are often disadvantaged in access to digital technology. Current aspirations for one laptop per child OLPC seem out of reach for the poorest nations of the world, with even middle-income countries struggling to make the requisite investments.
In light of this, other investments in microenterprise support as well as job creation may be more fruitful priorities if gender-equitable urban prosperity is to be achieved and sustained.
For example, female and child waste pickers are more likely than their male counterparts to be engaged in the primary picking of waste, while men tend to do the sorting and selling.
Waste pickers are also frequently squeezed out or penalised when municipal governments embark upon public-private partnerships for landfill recycling, with women workers being most affected by exclusion from collective bargaining agreements See Box 2.
As a result of the programme, market women save money and time, no longer making multiple phone calls to sellers as they can view many offers simultaneously, and secure competitive prices and high quality goods.
At the same time farmers can off-load their produce and thereby minimise wastage. This is massively important to the lives and livelihoods of informal urban workers throughout india, including several women.
Two-thirds of waste workers belong to the Waste Collectors Union KKPKP which, in partnership with local authorities, has promoted a socially and ecologically innovative model of waste recovery.
On finding that 90 per cent of this waste was biodegradable, the KKPKP proposed dropping all but ten of the 90 trucks, and encouraged households to separate their waste at source.
This allowed biodegradable waste to be composted in situ, leaving the waste workers to collect from their homes only non- degradable rubbish for the dumps.
One woman, Suman, who started her waste collection activities at the age of 13, and who began by picking up recyclable material from the roadside and public bins, has found union membership and the transition to door-to-door collection extremely positive for her life and livelihood.
She not only works fewer hours and collects better quality waste, but also enjoys social interaction with her clients. Sources: Chen , Shekar , Stevens , p.
It has since grown substantially, absorbing more and more trades; in , SEWA had a membership in India of nearly 1 million spread over nine states.
The main goals of the organisation are to organise women workers to gain access to security in work, food and social protection.
However, they have worked in a huge range of fields and helped to establish other organisations as well as belonging to several other umbrella organisations.
It provides information, training, and services to the construction industry in general, and specifically to low-income women mainly in repair and maintenance, carpentry and basic masonry.
Its core activities are livelihood development and gender equity in the field of construction. Together, the aim is to empower women economically in a sustainable way that challenges gender stereotypes.
By , WCC had trained over women in construction trades, created a space where women could meet to discuss the issues they experienced on the job, provided technical support to the construction industry and promoted women in the industry through membership in the Incorporated Masterbuilders Association of Jamaica.
It is now acknowledged that upward trends may not entail increases in recognition, rewards and quality of work.
In turn, there has been little evidence of men or boys stepping up assistance in the domestic sphere. Grown ; Lloyd ; Plan international 2.
Gupta et al , Figure 2. Chant and Touray b ; Hughes and Wickeri , p. Jones and Chant 7. Jones and Chant 8. Budlender ; Elson ; Folbre Chant ; Razavi Pearson Castells , p.
Chant and Pedwell ; Chen a ; Chen et al UN Women , p. Elson and Pearson ; Standing Chant and Mcilwaine ; Chant and Mcilwaine , Chapter 5 Floro et al ; Horn Chen et al Chant and Mcilwaine , Chapter 6 Chant and Pedwell ; Chen a ; Meagher See for example, Chant and Mcilwaine Standing Kabeer a ; Kabeer et al on Bangladesh UN a Buskens and Webb Moodley Scott et al Aminuzzaman, Baldersheim and Jamil Lugo and Sampson ; Mitter and Rowbotham eds, UNRiSD a, p.
Khosla , p. Plan international Warschauer and Ames Samson Kantor ; also Chen a UNCSW Chant and Mcilwaine , pp. Yonder and Tamaki for Huairou Commission Chant a ; iLO a , World Bank c, p.
In particular it is essential in protecting the rights of women and ensuring that they have full access not only to material resources in cities, but also to civic participation in social, political and cultural spheres.
In terms of the gender and urban prosperity nexus, equity is especially relevant to the issue of gender disparities in power and rights.
Perceptions in Kingston and Johannesburg were the most positive with 78 per cent in the latter and 77 per cent in the former stating there was a positive relationship.
Few felt there was a negative relationship except in Kampala See Figure 2. Levels of commitment towards promoting gender equity through the equitable distribution and redistribution of development benefits were also broadly positive in the cities although there was significant room for improvement.
While more than half 54 per cent felt that there was some form of commitment to the equal participation of all women in social, economic, political and cultural spheres, only Those living in Johannesburg were the most likely to identify commitment towards gender equity 81 per cent identifying some form , with those in Rio de Janeiro noting the least commitment Related with this, 61 per cent thought that gender disparities in access to different social, economic and political opportunities were being reduced.
This was especially the case in Johannesburg 75 per cent and Kingston 69 per cent. Views were more negative in Kampala where 51 per cent stated that they were not being reduced.
In terms of access to power and decision-making, 36 per cent stated that efforts to attain gender equity in terms of opportunity for free expression were advanced or very advanced, especially in Kingston 52 per cent and to a lesser extent in Johannesburg 43 per cent.
Kampala and Rio de Janeiro were both thought to have the least advanced access to representation. Again, people in Rio de Janeiro were the most likely to state that there was no equity in access 26 per cent.
Attitudes towards the factors that limited the ability to achieve greater levels of equity between women and men in cities were also elicited.
The most limiting factor identified was a history of class inequality which was especially important in Rio de Janeiro as well as in Kingston.
This was followed by a history of ethnic and racial inequality which again was particularly noted in Rio de Janeiro and Johannesburg.
The least limiting factor identified was lack of democracy and the related non-representative governing bodies See Table 2. Somewhat worrying is that only 54 per cent of people thought that human rights were recognised and promoted in their city, especially in Johannesburg 77 per cent.
This compared with only 37 per cent in Rio de Janeiro. Accordingly, the importance of active involvement by women in civic participation has been stressed by UN-Habitat, not least in its Gender Equality Action Plan.
Some advances have occurred in women holding seats in national parliaments in the past decade, even if under-representation remains persistent in developed and developing countries alike.
At ministerial levels, gender gaps increase dramatically. They are also expected to enact gender-friendly measures, and they are prone to criticism and discrimination.
But what seems better established is that affirmative action measures, such as quota systems, are critical to increasing female political representation.
Relationship between economic development and gender equity Fi gure 2. For example, in Brazil, women have been the majority of participants in budgetary assemblies in Porto Alegre, which has been a pioneer in inclusive urban governance.
Moreover, many women have been taken on board as remunerated project staff, which has helped to strengthen financial security for themselves and their households.
These may not be specifically urban, but by the very nature of rising urban populations affect legions of women in towns and cities in developing countries.
Although there may be some benefits for some women resulting from pan-national anti-poverty interventions, this may not only be dependent on the type of group and context, as revealed by contrasting outcomes for indigenous women in different parts of Mexico from the Oportunidades CCT.
In urban areas gender-responsive budgeting should help to achieve three main aims. First, the balancing of gender needs.
Second, guarantees of pro-female urban expenditures in areas such as water supply, sanitation and infrastructure, and third, women-specific urban spending in the arenas of housing, markets, public transport and recreational centres.
In the short-term, to entrap women in the largely unpaid and fundamentally altruistic work of building better cities arguably goes against the grain of transforming gender relations or creating a more equal share of urban prosperity among women and men.
This engagement is especially important at the grassroots level where there have been some very important initiatives in recent years.
They have engaged with government and others through inclusive partnerships. The report now turns to discuss some policies and institutions through which this can be achieved.
Dyson 3. UNiFEM , p. Pedwell and Perrons 7. Huairou Commission 9. Jarvis et al , p. Beall , p. Benjamin , p. Beall ; UN Women , p.
Lind Patel and Mitlin , ; Rai Molyneux , ; Moser , Jackson ; Molyneux Chant ; Tabbush Bradshaw and Linneker Maclean ; Roy ; Sweetman Bradshaw Razavi , p.
Elson ; Elson and Sharp It then assesses the nature of existing policies and institutional mechanisms that contribute to making women more prosperous in cities.
As indicated in the gender and urban poverty nexus, these ultimately aim to make women not only economically empowered and prosperous, but also provide them with greater access to social and political resources and opportunities as well as the freedom to make choices.
It is essential that policies address the various dimensions simultaneously and in a multi-stakeholder manner. Gender equity is also based on gender sensitivity in that equity cannot be reached without recognition that women and men have different and invariably unequal experiences in cities.
Only by addressing these disparities can economic empowerment and prosperity be achieved. Therefore, there is a major need to tackle gender imbalances in the contributions to, and benefits from, urban prosperity.
The instrumental use of women to make cities and urban policies more efficient is unlikely to change relational aspects of gender.
While this reflects a lack of awareness of gender issues in cities from a policy perspective, this was especially marked in Kingston.
In contrast, in Johannesburg, many more residents reported that there was a gender policy See Figure 3.
However, when asked generally about which efforts have been most influential in making cities more prosperous for women, specific gender inclusive urban planning was cited by only 13 per cent.
This compared with 26 per cent who identified policies and programmes promoting equal employment opportunities and 19 per cent who stated improved access to basic service provision.
Having said this, those in Johannesburg and Kampala felt that gender inclusive planning was important; in Johannesburg this was second only to policies and programmes promoting equal employment opportunities and, in Kampala, was the most important type of effort.
From a slightly different perspective, almost half 46 per cent stated that their city had a policy that successfully contributed to gender equity.
While However, social protection, training for skills development and equal pay and value for equal work were all thought to be important.
Social protection was thought to be especially important in Rio de Janeiro, whereas access to employment was identified in Johannesburg and training for skills development in Kingston See Table 3.
Again, however, those in Johannesburg were more positive 62 per cent with lows in Rio de Janeiro 33 per cent and Bangalore 36 per cent.
In turn, only 38 per cent of urban dwellers stated that their city had local initiatives that dealt effectively with the reduction of social disparities especially in health and education, between women and men in terms of access, quality and outcomes.
Even in Johannesburg, only 51 per cent felt that these initiatives existed. As well as the nature of the policies, it emerged that almost two-thirds of urban dwellers 62 per cent felt that women were involved disproportionately in the design, provision, management, and monitoring related to the local economy, infrastructure, and social services.
Women were thought to be most involved in Kingston 83 per cent and in Johannesburg 68 per cent and least involved in Kampala 52 per cent.